男友太凶猛1v1高h,大地资源在线资源免费观看 ,人妻少妇精品视频二区,极度sm残忍bdsm变态

Global EditionASIA 中文雙語Fran?ais
Comment

Washington's trade policy fails basic math

By MASSOUD AMIN | China Daily | Updated: 2025-04-12 00:00
Share
Share - WeChat

Editor's note: With the US slapping 125 percent additional tariffs on Chinese products and China taking countermeasures to safeguard its legitimate rights and interests, it will ultimately become clear that the tariff war will not benefit the US no matter the economy or narcotics control. Three experts share their views on the issue with China Daily.

US President Donald Trump has increased additional tariffs on Chinese goods up to 125 percent, with the total rate to 145 percent, while China has taken countermeasures including additional 125 percent duties on American imports.

The US' policy shift reflects a deeper abandonment of strategic tradecraft. The new tariff regime is not based on credible economic modeling, enforcement of fair trade rules, or reciprocity. Instead, it is built on a formula that converts bilateral trade deficits into tariff percentages. The logic is: the bigger the deficit, the bigger the punishment.

But this framework ignores the real causes of trade imbalance — currency flows, global sourcing, labor specialization, and consumer demand. Trade deficits are not acts of aggression. They are the consequence of structural choices and market dynamics.

The US has had trade deficits for decades. But trade deficits have not weakened the US economy — deficits have coexisted with strong job growth, innovation and investment. The US dollar's global reserve currency status and high domestic consumption ensure persistent imbalances in goods trade. Tariffs cannot rewrite these fundamentals. They can only distort prices, disrupt supply chains, and strain diplomatic relations.

The latest wave of tariffs is also incoherent in its application. Vietnam, which levies on average less than 10 percent tariffs on US goods, has been hit with a 46 percent US tariff. The European Union, whose trade barriers are comparable to or lower than the US', received a flat 20 percent tariff penalty. Even the remote, uninhabited Australian external territory of Heard and McDonald Islands — home only to penguins, seals and seabirds, with no permanent human settlement or meaningful exports — was slapped with a 10 percent tariff. These actions are not strategic; they are algorithmic and devoid of context or logic.

Markets have responded accordingly. Bond yields have surged as investors brace for inflation, instability and retaliation. Multinational companies are freezing investment, delaying orders, and seeking ways to circumvent US customs. Far from reinvigorating domestic manufacturing, this policy has increased uncertainty and capital flight.

The impact of the tariffs on American consumers will be swift and severe. Analysts estimate the tariffs will raise average household costs by $3,800 a year. The products affected include daily necessities: smartphones, laptops, HVAC systems, clothing, medical equipment, and baby formula. Some small businesses are already shutting down. A solar panel enterprise in Arizona and a clothing start-up in Pennsylvania have warned they cannot absorb the price shocks. These are not isolated cases but early signs of a broad contraction.

Diplomatically, the consequences are equally severe. China's retaliatory tariffs will apply to all US exports, including aircraft parts, energy products, semiconductors and agricultural products. Canada and Mexico have imposed 25 percent tariffs on US goods in response. The European Commission is weighing slapping digital taxes on US tech companies.

Thanks to the tariffs, key allies now view Washington as unpredictable and vindictive. The tariffs have not isolated Beijing. They are isolating the US.

The 2018 trade war showed the limits of broad tariffs. While US steel enjoyed temporary protection, the wider US economy suffered. Many jobs were lost in the US due to the tariffs and retaliatory barriers. Most companies that left China did not return to the US; instead, they shifted to Vietnam, Mexico or other lower-labor cost countries. Prices rose. Supply chains broke. The promised manufacturing revival never materialized.

History has another warning. The Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act of 1930 raised duties on more than 20,000 goods, and many countries responded by imposing tariffs on US goods. Between 1929 and 1934, global trade declined by 66 percent, deepening the Great Depression. While Smoot-Hawley did not directly cause World War II, it weakened the global economy and fueled the rise of authoritarian regimes. Trade wars do not stabilize, rather they destabilize, the economy. They do not solve, but create more, problems.

There is a better path. A true industrial strategy means investing in automation, skilled labor, resilient infrastructure and regional supply chains. It means targeting critical sectors — semiconductors, clean energy and biotechnology — through coordinated public-private partnerships. It means working with allies to enforce rules and raise standards, not acting alone in ways that provoke retaliation and undermine trust.

The economic frustrations behind tariff populism are legitimate. But the tools now being used are blunt, ineffective and destructive. Tariffs of this scale are not precision instruments. They are political theatrics imposed without strategic clarity.

If the US wishes to remain a global leader, it must act like one. For that, it needs consistency, coordination, and credibility. None of these can be achieved through news conference ultimatums or spreadsheet-driven punishment. The US needs a policy grounded in facts, not fury.

It's time to abandon the politics of pain. The world is too interconnected, and the stakes too high, to make improvization to masquerade as strategy. The US must stop turning trade deficits into targets and turn shared challenges into solutions.

The world does not need more math. It needs leadership. Let's get the mission right.

The author is an IEEE and ASME fellow, chairman and president of Energy Policy and Security Associates, and a professor emeritus at the University of Minnesota.

The views don't necessarily reflect those of China Daily.

 

 

 

LI MIN/CHINA DAILY

Today's Top News

Editor's picks

Most Viewed

Top
BACK TO THE TOP
English
Copyright 1995 - . All rights reserved. The content (including but not limited to text, photo, multimedia information, etc) published in this site belongs to China Daily Information Co (CDIC). Without written authorization from CDIC, such content shall not be republished or used in any form. Note: Browsers with 1024*768 or higher resolution are suggested for this site.
License for publishing multimedia online 0108263

Registration Number: 130349
FOLLOW US
主站蜘蛛池模板: 永登县| 洛阳市| 凌海市| 扎鲁特旗| 镇康县| 米脂县| 温宿县| 皋兰县| 林芝县| 桦川县| 西宁市| 砚山县| 金坛市| 锦州市| 察哈| 石棉县| 云浮市| 三明市| 桐柏县| 保德县| 洛扎县| 临沧市| 丰原市| 灵寿县| 民权县| 邵东县| 苏州市| 长垣县| 和平区| 定陶县| 剑川县| 陈巴尔虎旗| 玉树县| 巨鹿县| 石河子市| 北辰区| 葵青区| 敦化市| 湟源县| 嘉禾县| 祥云县|