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Whether or not we are pro-establishment supporters, we want to keep and enjoy Hong Kong's civilized way of life. We strive to attach our core values, such as loving others and being loved, plus freedom of the will and dream realizations, to every dimension of life. As for current issues of concern to this society, we have different interpretations of democracy and Hong Kong's values. While many of us regard Hong Kong's "moral system" and "institutional system" as among our major advantages over mainland cities, some may want to build a radically new political culture to reflect "utopian" ideals.

Remarks made in a recent BBC commentary on Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying that he's an "unloved leader" came as no surprise. Whatever Leung's administration has done, CY is destined to suffer from the so-called "original sin" of "lacking democratic legitimacy" and the general perception that he is "too reddish".

While there are no universal standards for implementing universal suffrage, many idealists simply ignore the consequences of neglecting "practical reality" by advocating the "Occupy Central" campaign. Perhaps, in their eyes, universal suffrage is like an ISO 9000 that defines the physical qualities. And, to quite a few adults and teens, Leung represents something that neither represents them nor helps to realize their hopes of experiencing the possibility of "real choices" and "true social exchanges".

It seems the dwindling public trust in CY is a heavy political symbolization of ineluctable tension between "self-elevated" community interests and individual rights and freedoms. A spate of cross-border conflicts in the past decade has further whipped up the flame of some local people turning against mainland people and so-called "reddish" politicians.

I still remember that in 2008, an irritated mainland tourist, who was waiting for a delayed flight at Hong Kong's international airport, warned that Hong Kong would die without Beijing's strong support. Such criticisms really hurt the feelings of some Hong Kong people as they may feel that Hong Kong people's contributions to the mainland's development over the past three decades might have been "neglected". It appears to some residents that Hongkongers, without some sort of negotiating power, would be "disposed off" sooner or later. A similar biased view is that Hong Kong will become an ordinary Chinese city because the central government will never relinquish its "control" over Hong Kong.

As a scholar in decision sciences, I would predict that more and more people, due to such misunderstanding and prejudices, would come out to challenge the existing world. Hong Kong, a city that never sleeps, will grind to a halt if different forces continue to fight it out against each other.

Is this entirely the fault of CY and his administration? I don't really think so. As Hong Kong's good traditions and virtues, such as tolerance, mutual respect, love and the people's hardworking attitude, are replaced by dangerous self-indulgence, it's really hard to convince the central government to further open the door of democracy because they cannot easily identify the "stabilizing norms". As an open-minded citizen, I hope CY and his team can propose an innovative proposal that could help democracy advance significantly in 2017.

I still harbor an optimistic view of the HKSAR government because of CY's "Hong Kong first" attitude. For example, during the recent baby milk powder crisis, the SAR government acted promptly and boldly by limiting exports of baby milk to meet the needs of local families. I also remember that, in responding to the mainland tourist's criticisms when he was still the Executive Council's convener, Leung highlighted the contributions of Hong Kong's professionals to the mainland before the mainland's opening-up. Perhaps, Leung's critics are being a bit too dogmatic by seeing him as Beijing's agent when he appears to be decisive and action-oriented. His recent "Hong Kong land for Hong Kong residents" scheme and the government's drastic measures to cool the overheated property market are evidence of his strong leadership. To some extent, CY is not that "unloved".

The author is chief convener, Protect Central Campaign.

(HK Edition 07/13/2013 page6)